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‘We
are living through a testing and a very difficult phase’
BY TAMIM ANSARY
A very senior police official
from the state intelligence in Rajasthan spoke to Teesta Setalvad in an
exclusive interview, on condition of anonymity. Due to the sensitivity of his
position we are acceding to his request. Excerpts:
Recently, the state government
banned a BD-VHP pamphlet. Why?
Yes, we recommend the ban to the government in late September. Our intelligence
found it being distributed in thousands. We found the material provocative and
offensive. We registered a case under 153a and then moved the government for its
seizure under section 95 of the criminal procedure code. The BD and VHP have
jointly published it. It contains their own interpretation of history — about
atrocities on Hindus by Muslims.
What about the trishul distribution programme currently under way in Rajasthan
and other places?
We have taken a very serious view of them since what is being distributed can
actually kill. All over Rajasthan these distribution programmes have been held
as well as the jalabhishek by the VHP.
What is the motive behind these
campaigns?
A slow and gradual build-up of tensions like we witnessed in the late 80s and
early 90s. In Rajasthan, during 1988–89, the RSS/VHP/BJP held first the Hegdewar
Jayanti; then there was shilanyas poojan and finally came the Rath
Yatra. Similarly, the Jalabhisheks are also a gradual build–up to
their declared programme to build the Ram temple in Ayodhya on March 12 next
year. And, of course, there are the UP elections.
They are slowly building up the
tempo. They have declared that they will visit every Hindu house, solicit a one
rupee contribution; a symbolic thing simply meant to enlist support. We have
learned that they will conduct 10,000 such yatras and the conclusion will
be in January. But already many jalabhisheks have deteriorated into
processions and led to attacks.
Is the government equipped to
deal with another fallout like Ayodhya?
The government is trying to do it’s best. A decision has been taken to post
policemen and district collectors in the farthest corners of the state.
How would you assess the communal
situation in Rajasthan?
It is grim. I personally do not see a silver lining for the next 20–25 years.
Hindu fundamentalist organisations like the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad, and their Muslim counterparts like the Milli Council and SIMI, have
been fanning communal passions.
The worrisome thing is that
though there are not many riots, religious issues are being constantly
exploited. Soon after the regrettable incident of the burning of the Quran by BD
activists in Delhi, Acharya Giriraj Kishore was busy exploiting the situation.
In Rajasthan, at least, even the Musharraf visit heightened tensions. And after
September 11 and the war in Afghanistan, I believe the communal divide is near
total.
What about the recent RSS shibir in Jaipur?
The administration is doing it’s best. But it is not only our actions that can
make the difference. There was perceptible tension in mid–October when the RSS
mobilised nearly 50,000 volunteers in Jaipur. Soon after that a special
namaaz was organised in an Idgah by Muslims in connection with the attack on
Afghanistan. That also contributed to further polarisation.
There are complaints of communal
bias operating among the administration and police in Rajasthan. Comments?
I will not deny that some communal bias is there and it should not be there. But
in Rajasthan the administration is more responsive than in other states where
sectarian considerations are more dominant. But do remember that communal forces
are leaving no stone unturned to create trouble and we are doing our best to
cope. We are living through a testing and very difficult phase. Hence the
pressure on senior officials is intense.
Have you been working with civil
society groups?
Yes, we have urged even the CM to be open to them. Individuals and groups like
yours and many others in Rajasthan should help equip the administration to deal
with such sensitive situations in a more effective manner.
But I would suggest that human
rights organisations be judicious. Under our peculiar circumstances, it is
important that they consistently decry the misconduct of fanatics from both
communities: All of you should come forward to decry not just Hindu
fundamentalists but intolerant, conservative sections among Muslims, too. There
is a feeling in the administration that NGOs are sometimes one–sided.
Though it is true that in our society, the
Hindu fundamentalist has the upper hand, please remember that the other side is
not innocent.
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