The term "Muslim" is not a mere descriptive or neutral
identity any more. To be born and to live as a Muslim is no longer a
matter of individual faith in the public sphere. The heterogeneity of this
identity in social and cultural terms has been overruled by the "menacing
Muslim" proposition now ingrained in the political unconscious of
globalised sensibility. A movement similar to the anti-Semitism of
Christendom during the first half of the 20th century is prevalent against
Muslims today and this is all-pervasive in the networked world. It has
been constructed through carefully launched cultural machinery by
imperialist fascist forces.
On the other hand, there is a small but loud minority of
Muslims who claim Islam as their political ideology, a dogma that
advocates the taking up of arms against countries and peoples. Religious
terrorism drags the name of an entire religion into political turmoil and
thus quite falsely holds all Muslims responsible for the destructive
activities that this minority carries on in the name of Islam.
As much of today’s "Islamic" turbulence is in fact a
product of cold war politics, this contention is historically false,
socially dangerous and culturally suicidal pretension. (It is common
knowledge that the Taliban and Osama bin Laden were weapons of US imperial
capitalism in their war against the USSR and their current threat to
peaceful life is a political crisis that America masterminded and
maintains – the success of US marketing strategy lies in dumping the
responsibility for these criminal elements on Muslims as a religious
group.) For the complementary forces of imperialism and religious
fundamentalism it is necessary that Muslims as a whole are perceived as a
body of fanatics: while the latter makes such claims about Islam, the
former spreads and imposes the image on every Muslim.
Within this perceived reality, a vast majority of the
population has been silenced and held captive – the unjustly suspected
Muslim community all over the world, the majority of whom are no longer
willing to stand by such retrogressive use of their religion. They want to
reiterate the fact that the responsibility for what a lunatic fringe does
in the name of Islam will not be shared by Muslims everywhere; instead,
such actions will be denounced categorically and substantially. The
religious disavowal of fanaticism, bomb terror and communalism, all of
which are conducted in the name of religion, has been gaining ground among
Muslims in the state of Kerala in recent years.
Kerala’s contemporary history has followed a disappointing
negative trajectory. Muslims in Kerala lapsed into withdrawal and fear
after LK Advani’s infamous Rath Yatra and its culmination in the
demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. The suspicion and feeling of
insecurity that this generated in the post-industrial, consumerist society
that Kerala had become thanks to the inflow of petrodollars from the Gulf
started consolidating destructively in the form of religio-political
organisations that sought to "resist" attacks from Zionism, fascism and
imperialism.
Just as the Hindu diaspora was funding the RSS in the
north of the country, these religio-political organisations in the state
received funding from the Muslim diaspora. Parallelly, the consolidation
of Hindu communalism that functions outside politics, in the cultural
sphere, poses an equal threat. The arrival of such factors on the Kerala
landscape has not, so far, been a terribly rooted or widely popular
phenomenon. But the chances of it becoming one, given Kerala’s
geographical, economic and demographic peculiarities, can never be
dismissed.
Muslim activism against terrorism in Kerala is more a
precautionary step than a remedial measure. These groups are deeply
concerned about the loss of Kerala’s vibrantly inclusive tradition
vis-à-vis religious groups and it is their wake-up call before it gets too
late.
What is remarkable about the situation in Kerala is that
the cancerous growth within the community faced serious opposition from
the political face of the Muslim community, the Indian Union Muslim League
(IUML), in its nascent stage itself. The IUML’s remarkably mature decision
to prevent any kind of mob violence during the post-Babri Masjid phase in
Kerala, as a result of which not one person was killed in Kerala even as
hundreds died in ensuing riots that took place across the country, stands
testimony to its position on fanaticism and communalism. Panakkad Sayyid
Muhammedali Shihab Thangal, state president of the IUML, was at the
forefront of this stand.
Because the extremist outfits were structured around the
youth of the community, the IUML’s youth wing became the main channel for
disseminating the party’s message that religious terrorism and its
anti-democratic measures would only hamper the interests of both the
Muslim community as well as the community at large. As far back as the
early 1990s when these religio-political forces first began to surface,
and no matter how small their influence was at the time, the Kerala Muslim
Youth League, under the presidentship of MK Muneer, passed resolutions
against this growth.
In fact, Muneer, son of former Kerala chief minister CH
Mohamed Koya and a former minister himself, went on to write a chapter on
the dangers of terrorism in his award-winning book, Fascism and the
Sangh Parivar (1995). The publishing house that he chairs, Olive
Publications, has brought out a series of books against the misuse of
jihad and Koranic dictates. His visit to Marad, to console relatives of
the Hindu victims who were killed in the second Marad riot, of May 2003,
and his statement that the Taliban’s destruction of the Buddha idols at
Bamiyan was as heinous as the demolition of the Babri Masjid, have helped
to send out a positive message to the wider society. As a natural
extension of his beliefs and activism, Muneer is currently authoring a
book on the sociological, religious and psychological roots of terrorism.
The current president of the Muslim Youth League, KM Shaji
has been a powerful voice against the National Development Front and the
Jamaat-e-Islami. Shaji believes that "If it is the doing of Malayali
Hindus that there is not even a single RSS person so far in the Kerala
assembly, it is for the Muslims to show their sense of justice by
defeating communal and terrorist forces that use our name." He adds,
"These terrorist organisations are instilling fear in the minds of Muslims
as well as non-Muslims and are killing creative energy. That is suicidal."
There has been vehement opposition to the misuse of
Islamic scriptures in wars and other violent campaigns from state-level
leaders of the four Muslim religious organisations (two Sunni groups, the
Sunni Yuvajana Sangham – the EK faction and the AP faction, and two
Mujahid groups) that share secular and democratic values. (The term "mujahid"
can be grossly misleading now, for its suggestion of jihad. Jihad,
according to the Kerala Nadwathul Mujahideen, is the inner struggle
against the base instincts of the body. They have never supported jihad
against another person or another religion. Nor have they ever resorted to
violence.) The awareness that the "jihadi" claim that they are fighting
imperialism is false, as the jihadis serve the imperial need to tag
religion to politics and thus spread fear and animosity and reiterate
their power, underlines such endeavours.
Cherussery Zainudheen Musliyar, Abdussamad Pookkottur,
Sayyid Mohammed Nisami, KT Manu Musliar, AP Abdul Khader, TP Abdullakkoya
Madani, Husain Madavoor, Mujeeb Karimbilakkal, Ali Abdulla and Ismail Wafa
are some leaders who have taken an unflinching position against the
dangers posed by jihadi groups. This is of no little significance given
the fact that these personalities lead organisations that are among the
most powerful mainstream religious organisations in the state and
regardless of what their religious positions and the merits of this may be
they have been unequivocal in their stand against this immediate threat of
terrorism.
As in the case of the political organisation, IUML, the
youth wings of the religious organisations have also been forceful in this
regard. Nasir Faisy Koodathayi, the secretary of the Samastha Kerala Sunni
Students’ Federation, has been foregrounding the need to fight terrorism
in every venue: "It is intoxication, like liquor. Both are un-Islamic." CP
Saleem and Mujeebrehman Kinaloor are other young leaders who have led
awareness programmes against the encroachment of terrorism in an informed
way. They maintain that the pretension of support, which terrorist
organisations claim to receive from the Muslim community, must be
countered in the interests of the community.
Though the hysterical and paranoid brand of militarised
Islam is only 15-odd years old, the theoretical strain of the whole
movement can be traced back to 1941 when the Jamaat-e-Islami movement was
first established. The Jamaat’s founder, Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi
argued that the once golden era of Muslims had vanished due to the loss of
political power. He interpreted Islam as a political system and argued
that each Muslim should work for the establishment of an Islamic state.
There have not been many thorough and systematic critiques of the
Maududian notions of the theocratic state. To the politically wounded,
Maududism offered a utopia to fight for.
CT Abdurahiman, the driving force behind the educational
and cultural centre, Dayapuram, has been working on the discrepancies and
dangers of Maududian thought in the context of modern, plural societies.
After completing his studies at a Jamaat-e-Islami institution during his
youth, Abdurahiman pursued a religious education in Qatar where he
interacted with the likes of the Muslim scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi. For
Abdurahiman, the early eighties brought an ideological break from the
Jamaat-e-Islami due to his fundamental disagreement with the
organisation’s notions of state and power and its unwillingness to
consider plural societies at all. By systematically pointing out the
economic, demographic, historical and geographic impossibilities of the
Maududian scheme and elaborating on the anti-Islamic aspects of the very
notion, Abdurahiman launched an ideational Muslim struggle against the
notion of an Islamic state through various articles and books, including
his latest volume, Different Thoughts of a Malayali Muslim.
Dayapuram’s establishment 23 years ago by a team of
enthusiasts such as PP Hyder Haji, V. Mohammed, MN Karassery, V. Marakkar,
KP Mohammed Haji, Abdulla and others marked an important step in the
institutionalisation of religious secularism and socialism in Kerala’s
private sector. Run by the Al Islam Charitable Trust and inspired by the
Qatari religious scholar Sheikh Abdullah Ibrahim Al Ansari, Dayapuram’s
orphanage admitted children from all religions and treated them on a par
with children of the rich. As it expanded, even as it grew to become a
renowned centre of education and culture with several schools and colleges
spread over 40 acres of land, Dayapuram chose to do more than mould human
resources alone. It attempted to spread its sociocultural, inclusive
outlook through the Dayapuram Cultural Forum, a collective of staff,
students and management, and through the forum’s publications.
In September 2006 the Dayapuram Cultural Forum observed an
"Anti-Terrorism and Anti-Communalism Week" which started with a procession
that proclaimed "Resist Communalism and Terrorism; Save Kerala". A
symposium of Muslim religious scholars held on September 22 that year
declared that "terrorism is anti-Islamic". Participants at the symposium
included representatives from the two Sunni and the two Mujahid groups as
well as the Muslim League. The weeklong programmes included essay writing,
poetry writing, painting and poster designing competitions for students
and ended with a multi-religious meet that condemned communalism in the
name of any religion.
Similar "anti-terrorism unity meets" based on this model
were then organised in different parts of the state and hosted by local
citizens.
In order to strengthen Muslim unity against communalism
and terrorism and make it more effective, CT Abdurahiman then suggested
the creation of a forum that would serve as a common platform for people
who, notwithstanding their political or religious differences, have been
sincere and strong in their fight against these lethal presences. At a
formative meeting on September 21, 2007, with Dayapuram as its starting
point, the Dayapuram Stage for Humanitarian Activism was born. MK Muneer
was appointed president, CT Abdurahiman, general secretary, and many
others such as KM Shaji, Nasir Faisy Koodathayi, CP Saleem and
Mujeebrehman Kinaloor were appointed office-bearers of the new forum. The
Dayapuram Stage for Humanitarian Activism (DaSHA), a forum for religious
harmony, cultural justice and caste and gender equality, was inaugurated
by Javed Anand, co-editor of Communalism Combat, on January 5,
2008.
DaSHA’s second programme, a "Madrassa Teachers’ Meet
Against Communalism and Terrorism", investigated the ways in which
madrassas could be utilised to spread religious harmony. On February 20,
2008 (about a week before the well-known Islamic seminary Darul Uloom
Deoband organised its historic meet against terrorism) around 300 madrassa
teachers came together with eminent leaders from different religious
organisations and madrassa board members to denounce terrorism. The
meeting was inaugurated by Sayyid Munavvarali Shihab Thangal and the
resolution taken therein condemned the ill-motivated propaganda that
madrassas are training centres of terrorism whilst simultaneously voicing
anxiety over the growth of terrorism in the name of Islam. The resolution
called for a peaceful jihad against terrorism.
DaSHA also plans interventions by small units set up in
nearby areas to alleviate communal tension and spread communal harmony.
The first of these, the Chennamangallur unit, has already been
inaugurated.
Along with spreading awareness about the dangers of
communalism and terrorism through meetings and media work, DaSHA also
seeks to coordinate research work that probes the economic, cultural,
social and ideological "whys" of communalism and terrorism by looking at
social coordinates such as caste, gender, region, class and race in its
attempt to function as a stage for constructive thinking.
It is important that activities such as these, which are
currently taking place in one corner of the country, are also carried out
on a national and even a global level since local developments also add to
the widening chasm that has been created between peoples of the world. It
will make those Muslims who do not support the killing of civilians in the
name of their religion or do not like being part of the war industry more
visible and powerful. And this can only be achieved through a systematic
project that sends the right kind of message to society at large and
through voices that clearly denounce the religious tag. The presence of
Mufti Fuzail-ur-Rahman Usmani from Deoband at the anti-terrorism session
of the state convention of the Muslim Youth League at Kollam is a
significant step in this direction.
These Muslim disclaimers to Islamic terrorism, clear and
categorical as they are and should be, help to weaken the claims of
jihadists and deter those involved in the baseless stereotyping of an
entire community. Such a Muslim move is the need of the hour, as it
questions the myths that the culture industry has been imposing on the
collective psyche of the people. The move to delink one’s religion from
political ends will not, of course, be the end of it, but it is
nevertheless a significant step towards realising secularism and democracy
in a plural society.