In the politically-created impasse in Kerala following the communal killing in Maradu politicians gained and the people lost

More than 2,000 Muslim women and children fled the Maradu beach on May 3, 2003, after Muslim extremists had killed nine persons in a gruesome case of communal murder the previous evening. They fled leaving all their belongings back home and were living at the three relief camps set up in neighbouring areas like Chaliyam, Kappakkal and Payyankkal. The condition in these camps, maintained by political parties like the Muslim League and CPI(M), were extremely poor. The families were crammed into a few school class-rooms with no facilities and they lived like refugees for six months.

For six months, the AK Antony government in Kerala faced the critical problem of rehabilitation of these refugees as the Hindu organisations, who had taken control over the entire beach after the unprovoked and one-sided attack from the Muslim extremists, resisted efforts to bring them back to their homes. The Hindu organisations, led by the VHP and locally spearheaded by the Araya Samajam, a caste organisation of Hindu fishermen, physically opposed all efforts at rehabilitation, demanding that the government order a CBI inquiry into the alleged larger conspiracy behind this attack.

The BJP, RSS leaders kept up a powerful campaign that this attack — which the state police considered a retaliatory attack from the Muslim groups for the murder of some persons in an earlier clash in January 2002 in the same area — was part of a large conspiracy involving inter-state links and there were even hints of an ISI hand behind it. VHP leader Praveen Togadia came down to Maradu to keep the embers burning. And for once, the state government was in a fix as it found itself facing a conundrum: On the one hand, rehabilitation was a pressing matter and the Muslim community became extremely restive over it, as shown by the massive shift in Muslim votes in the Ernakulam Lok Sabha by-election, where the LDF candidate won with a huge margin in a traditional Congress stronghold; and on the other, there was no way of ordering a CBI probe as the Muslim League,  a party in the ruling UDF coalition, was stiffly resisting it.

Antony was in a real dilemma as he could not effectively dismiss the demand for a CBI inquiry raised by the communal Hindu organisations as there was a clear case for it — there has been a trail of external influences in Kerala’s minority communalism. Some of these groups have been receiving active support from forces outside the country, and often the perpetrators of violence, like the killers of Molvi Chekannur, a Muslim cleric known for his progressive views, were given asylum in foreign countries.

In fact, there was no way the government could face the Hindu demand (which even some Muslim organisations supported in closed door discussions) for an amicable settlement. The chief minister himself was open to this demand as he made clear in his discussions with various mediators, including the team of journalists from Kozhikode, which took the initiative in bringing leaders of both communities together to find a solution to the refugee problem.

But the Muslim League resisted. Industries minister PK Kunhalikutty publicly stated that his party was not opposed to any kind of probe, but firmly resisted any such moves within the government. His fear was simple: he said that the CBI could even question him or the party president Shihab Thangal himself, as the CBI was controlled by the BJP government at the Centre.

His position left the situation in limbo for almost six months, with the Muslim refugees stranded in the camps. The CPI(M)-led Opposition also took a very negative attitude in the affair with Opposition leader VS Achuthanandan and CPI(M) secretary Pinarayi Vijayan taking the line that a CBI inquiry was not advisable. Achuthanandan said that the CBI was a politically tarnished organisation and Vijayan felt that entrusting the probe to the CBI would be an infringement on the federal system of the country. These were specious objections considering the fact that the social and communal divide was deepening and could seriously affect the state’s secular social fabric causing incalculable harm in the long run.

It was clear to all independent observers that the Opposition was more keen reaping political gains from this impasse and wanted to prolong the issue as long as possible because it ensured a windfall by way of Muslim votes veering to their side. Antony was hamstrung in another way too, as K Karunakaran, the veteran Congress leader who turned rebel, and his son, KPCC president K Muralidharan, were also making every effort to scuttle the peace process.

It was a politically created impasse where politicians gained and the people lost. But the chief minister turned the tables with the October 2 peace
initiative through the Gandhi Smarak Nidhi, a Gandhian organisation that brought both communities together keeping the political parties out. A settlement was arrived at, with the government and all parties concerned agreeing to a partial CBI inquiry as well as a special Rs. 29 crore package for the development of Maradu area and Rs. 10 lakh as financial aid to each of the families of those killed.

Rehabilitation work was started immediately and by the end of the month all those who had left the beach area were back in their homes, bringing a dark period of communal confrontation to an end. The scenes at the rehabilitation camps were moving, as Hindu neighbours offered utensils and cooked food for the Muslim families who had come back empty-handed. There was a feeling of relief on all sides and it was clear that efforts towards healing the wounds could once again be taken up at Maradu beach.

Looking back at the six months of agony, one thing is now clear. Except for the chief minister, no political party was too keen on finding a real
solution. The chief minister was being cornered, attacked from all sides, and held hostage by various pressure groups within his own United Democratic Front and his party rivals like Karunakaran throughout these six months. The Opposition, too, was keen on putting the chief minister on the mat, showing cynical unconcern about the way Kerala society was getting divided and communalised in the process. The Maradu experience made explicit the failure of secular politics. The six-month-long drama showed how all parties made cynical efforts to exploit the communal divide for their own gains.

The second aspect of the government’s handling of Maradu is the comparatively efficient and professional way in which the police dealt with it. It is true that the police failed to anticipate the May 2 violence, especially since this area is known to be very sensitive communally and there had been an incident in January 2002 in which five persons had been killed. But the police brought the situation under control fairly quickly and prevented any untoward incident as a sequel elsewhere in the state.

It is reassuring fact that there has not been a single clash in any part of the state after the Maradu violence though it was a brutal, one-sided and unprovoked carnage. The inquiry by the special police team under an inspector general of police was also concluded swiftly, the culprits booked, the charge-sheets filed and a special court set up for speedy trial of the case.

The prompt police action assumes significance given the past performance of the police, both under LDF and UDF governments. So far, no charge-sheet has been filed in any past incidents of communal clashes over several years. Now the chief minister has initiated steps to speed up inquires so that justice is brought to the victims. Antony’s police policy has been to keep them free from political interference and this has paid off handsomely, bringing back some semblance of professionalism in the force. All political parties had made it a practice to interfere in the affairs of law and order maintenance and this had resulted in the criminal justice system being overtaken by a mafia at the grassroots.

Cases involving political parties were not even investigated, charge-sheets were never filed. This was convenient to all political parties as most of them have their own goonda gangs. The CPI(M) and the BJP have been the main culprits, responsible for hundreds of political murders all over the state. The Congress and Muslim League, too, were involved in many clashes, thanks to the growing criminalisation of the state’s politics. But now there seems to be a determined effort on the part of the chief minister to call a halt to this and bring back some credibility to the
law and order machinery.

On the whole, Antony has done reasonably well in the Maradu case. But ironically, his very success is proving to be his undoing. His rivals, both in the party and in Opposition, have sensed that the chief minister is gaining ground in his effort to bring about a new political culture and have joined hands to unseat him. Thus, we now witness the chorus for a leadership change in Kerala, as the vested interests who enjoyed the fruits of a corrupt system find themselves threatened. n