Reality of reel life
In collaboration with the Xavier’s Institute of
Communications, Mumbai, we organised a
two-day workshop for the students of the institute in the first week of
February. The
theme: how and to what extent has Hindi cinema reflected the values of
pluralism and
democracy over the decades? We are grateful to such illustrious names from
filmdom as
Javed Akhtar, Mahesh Bhatt, Pooja Bhatt and Khalid Mohamed, as also serious
writers and
commentators on films, Rauf Ahmed, Jerry Pinto, Madan Gopal Singh and Bhawana
Somaaya for leading the discussions.
The feedback from several students at the end
of the workshop clearly showed that they had found the exercise both educative
and enjoyable. We thought so too. We believe our readers too would like to
know how those closely associated with the film world in different ways see
the relationship between real life and reel life. That’s how the idea of this
month’s cover story was born. Since for reasons of space we are not able to
carry all the presentations in this issue, some will be published in the
coming issues of CC.
In the realm of the real meanwhile, the last
few weeks have witnessed a development that no one would have anticipated even
a few months ago: the splintering of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB).
The splitters have announced the constitution of a separate Sunni board, and a
Shia board. More significantly, some Muslim women have gone ahead to form a
separate women’s board for personal law.
No one seems to quite know why but it is said
that it was Indira Gandhi who conjured up the AIMPLB in the early ’70s. Though
the legal status of this organisation is nothing more than an informal NGO,
many within the Muslim community saw it as an influential body since, among
others, the high priests from different sects of Indian Islam are part of it.
The mass hysteria that the Board whipped up in the mid-’80s over the Shah Bano
controversy reinforced this feeling. But most secularists and liberal Muslims
who believe that all religion-based personal laws in India are unjust to women
and therefore in urgent need of reform have long believed that nothing in the
name of gender justice could be expected from this patriarchal outfit.
In recent months the Board had generated hope
that at long last it was going to endorse a model nikahnama that would
help curtail the obnoxious practice of triple talaq. But as a letter
from the All India Democratic Women’s Association that we are publishing here
shows, the nikahnama is far from model. If anything, it once again
shows the male-centred mindset of the Board. Not surprising, therefore, to
find Hasnath Mansur, a prominent woman activist from Bangalore, slamming the
Board and dismissing it as an NGO irrelevant to Muslim women’s concerns in an
interview also being published in this issue.
The Delhi-based Citizen’s Campaign for
Preserving Democracy, an association of citizens committed to the defence of
basic human rights and freedoms has just published a highly disturbing report
on the predicament of Bangla speaking Muslims in Delhi. A lowly and oftentimes
dubious police informer’s word that so and so is an illegal Bangladeshi
immigrant is all the proof the police needs to round up poor and defenceless
people, take them to the Indo-Bangla border and surreptitiously push them over
to the other side. Ironically, such blatant infringement of fundamental rights
guaranteed by the Constitution, gross violation of international human rights,
and systematic derogation from due process of law and principles of natural
justice is supposedly being monitored by the Delhi high court.
We join family members and innumerable friends
and comrades from the community of social activists in mourning the sudden and
untimely death of Sriprakash Sharma in Jaipur. A dear friend and colleague, he
had for long been pushing us to start a Hindi edition of Communalism Combat,
a project we intend to launch before this yearend and in which he was to play
a major role. We will miss you, Sriprakash.
— Editors
|