Why were no minutes prepared of the meetings held by the chief minister
and other senior officers to review the situation from February 27, 2002
onwards? Why were such minutes not circulated to concerned officials?
Ø If such minutes were prepared, why were no copies of such minutes
submitted to the commission?
Ø Why were the dead bodies of the Godhra arson victims paraded
through the streets of Ahmedabad city, especially when many of the
deceased belonged to places outside Ahmedabad city and a few had not even
been identified at that juncture?
Ø Did the CP, Ahmedabad, or the DGP, Gujarat, report in writing to
the chief minister or their superiors in government and administration on
the possible adverse repercussions on law and order by this parade of dead
Ø If any such letters were sent to higher authorities, why were
they not placed before the commission?
Ø Why was no preventive action taken against communal elements on
February 27/28, 2000 even though the call for a bandh (on February
28) by the sangh parivar and the BJP was issued on February 27, 2002
Ø Why was the Communal Riot Scheme not put into operation in
relevant areas from the evening of February 27, 2002 onwards?
Ø Why was no prompt and effective action taken against the rioters
by officers of the rank of DSP (deputy superintendent of police) and above
(who had additional forces of armed policemen moving with them),
particularly in Ahmedabad city which has about 40 such DSPs and Vadodara
city, which has about 30?
Ø Why was no action taken by the policemen in approximately 100
police mobile vans stationed in Ahmedabad city, as also in Vadodara city,
against crowds that first began to congregate in small numbers on the
morning of February 28, 2002 onwards?
Ø Why was no action taken when enforcers of the bandh
created traffic disturbances and indulged in petty crimes on the morning
of February 28, 2002 so as to test the mood and strategy of the police?
Ø Why was there a delay in the imposition of a curfew, particularly
in Ahmedabad city? (In Ahmedabad, curfew was imposed as late as 1.00 p.m.
on February 28, 2002.)
Ø Why were no arrangements made for videography of the violent mobs
despite regulations to this effect?
Ø How or why did the police fail to videograph mobs even as the
electronic media succeeded in doing so? Were there any orders to prevent
Ø Why was no effective action taken against rioters by policemen at
specific locations and in mobile patrolling groups, both in vehicles and
on foot, from the evening of February 27, 2002 onwards?
Ø Why was there such a delayed response to distress calls from
prominent Muslim citizens such as former MP, Ahsan Jaffri, despite their
having made frantic calls to the chief secretary, the DGP, the CP,
Ahmedabad city, etc, and possibly even the chief minister?
Ø Why were there higher casualties of rioting and police firing
Ø Why were the instructions contained in the compilation of
circulars entitled "Communal Peace", issued to all district magistrates
and police officers of the rank of SP and above, not implemented?
Ø Why were the "Instructions to deal with Communal Riots (Strategy
and Approach)", originally issued by former DGP, KV Joseph, and prepared
by former officer on special duty, ZS Saiyed, and forwarded to all
executive police officers for strict implementation, not enforced?
Ø Why was there no monitoring of the implementation of instructions
issued by the chief secretary, the home department, the DGP and other
higher officers from February 28, 2002 onwards?
Ø Why was no action taken against the vernacular press publishing
communally inflammatory news reports and articles despite clear reports
from the SP, Bhavnagar (Rahul Sharma), the CP, Ahmedabad (PC Pande) and
the ADGP (int.), RB Sreekumar, that such action should be initiated?
Ø Why was no action taken or any enquiry instituted against police
officers for their alleged failure to record FIRs and conduct proper
investigations into complaints of riot victims, largely minorities,
although this matter was emphasised by ADGP RB Sreekumar in his reports to
the government dated April 24, 2002, June 15, 2002, August 20, 2002 and
August 28, 2002?
Ø Why was no action taken or any enquiry instituted against
officers of the executive magistracy, particularly district magistrates,
who failed to initiate prompt action against rioters, especially between
February 27 and March 4, 2002? Similarly, why was no action taken or any
enquiry instituted against district magistrates and their staff who
recommended the appointment of pro-BJP/VHP advocates as public prosecutors
in a bid to subvert the trials that would follow?
Ø Why was no action taken against supervisory officers (i.e. DSPs,
Range IGs/DIGs, CPs and the DGP) who violated Rules 24, 134, 135 and 240
of the Gujarat Police Manual-Vol. III by not properly supervising the
investigation of serious riot related crimes and who were thereby guilty
of culpable omission and grave misconduct?
Ø Why was no action taken against supervisory officers (i.e. the
Range IG, Vadodara Range, and the CP, Vadodara city) who were guilty of
gross misconduct and negligent supervision in the Bilkees Bano and Best
Bakery cases, trials of which had been transferred from Gujarat to
Maharashtra by the Supreme Court?
Ø Why was no investigation conducted into the deposition by Rahul
Sharma, the then SP, Bhavnagar, before the commission on October 30, 2004,
about the location of BJP leaders and senior officers in Bhavnagar while a
madrassa was being attacked? (In November 2004, the English daily, The
Indian Express, published a three-part investigative report that
exposed revealing conversations between influential politicians and
Ø Why was no clarification provided on the government’s inadequate
implementation of recommendations made by the National Human Rights
Commission, the National Commission for Minorities and even the Supreme