Frontline

July 2000
Emergency, 25 years later


‘The BJP has regressed to the fanatic mindset of the pre-JP era’
 

The BJP had planned to use the occasion of 25 years since the imposition of Emergency (June 26, 1975) to embarrass the Congress and to project itself as a champion of democracy. But the tactic backfired badly in Gujarat with several prominent activists who were in the forefront of the JP movement, had fought the Emergency and been jailed refusing to participate in the BJP–show to honour Gujarat’s MISA detainees. The BJP, they argued had ‘no moral right to felicitate Emergency detainess’ Among those who turned down the invitation were Prakash Shah, Chunnibhai Vaidya, Navalbhai Shah, Prabhar Khamar and Bragkumar Bhatt. Shah, editor of Nireekshak magazine, was a prominent activist of JP’s ‘Lok Swaraj Andolan’, who later played a major role in forming the Janata Morcha. He is presently convenor of the Movement for Secular Democracy in Gujarat. Navalbhai Shah was the state’s education minister before he was arrested under MISA. Sarvodaya leader, Chunnibhai Vaidya was then editor of Bhumiputra, the magazine in whose case the Gujarat High Court gave a judgment against the pre–censorship imposed on the press by Mrs. Gandhi.

Following is the free rendering of the text of his letter in Gujarati addressed to Rajendrasingh Rana, president, BJP Gujarat.

19th June, 2000

Dear Shri Rajendrasinghji,

The Gujarat Pradesh BJP has organised a function to honour the fighters against Emergency under the auspices of the "Committee to felicitate the promoters of democracy". This committee also invites me since activists like me "stood up to the emergency and were jailed for it".

While thanking you sincerely and expressing my regret at not being able to accept this invitation, I do hope you will accept my sincere and humble sentiments why I decline this honour and try to understand my viewpoint.

As concerned non–political citizens and also as Jan Sangh, Socialist party and Congress (O) members we came together. As followers of JP, we are glad to have shouldered our historical responsibility in the role of catalysts. And feel satisfied that if not in the first struggle of Swaraj, at least in the second struggle. We could participate in it and as companions in the struggle as well as companions in jail, I recall the shared memories of our jail life together.

But I would like to remind you that the JP movement and the fight against emergency was the polarisation of people’s struggle against authoritarian rule to safeguard democracy. Any effort to rally the people in this 25th anniversary year of the Emergency has to be done on the basis of a wider citizens’ committee and not by a party committee as you have planned. (Kirit Bhatt of ‘Baroda Dynamite Case’ fame and his companions have planned such a programme on the basis of people’s participation at Vadodara. Among other things, they want to discuss the implications of a possible Emergency during the reign of those who had opposed Emergency at one time).

Although your programme is not based on people’s participation, this is not the only reason for me to decline your invitation. The most important and decisive reason for me is that during the last twelve years, especially since the time of the Rath Yatra of L.K. Advani, BJP has assumed an avatar which is a total negation of the values and the process initiated by JP. Both are now poles apart. Consequently, the BJP has since long forfeited the moral authority to celebrate such occasions in the name of the people.

The fact is that we have received this inheritance and responsibility through people’s struggle against authoritarian rule. The effort of the BJP to divide the people on communal lines in the name of nationalism and the way it is being promoted by BJP are not in accordance with this heritage but is really opposed to it.

The emergent mentality after the Ayodhya episode is not only communalist, it also displays terrifying possibilities of Nazism and fascism. As a people we may be able to see through the state authoritarianism, but at times we fail to see and understand authoritarianism emanating from society in the name of the people. Those groups who have received the heritage of organising resistance to the authoritarian rule of the state and the greed for power of the individual have to remain alert against any manifestation of oppression by any particular group in the name of society. And they should be in the forefront of people’s resistance to such potentially fascist manifestations of power. When placed against this yardstick, those friends of 1974–77 who fought together for a just and free India are disappointed by the BJP.

Since you have been elected to power in Delhi and in Gandhinagar, you can ask us "how you could best represent the sentiments of the people?" Sir, your power at the Centre is due to the NDA. Even though you have been shouting in the name of the Hindu majority, you could muster only 20 to 25 per cent of votes and you could get a majority only with the help of other parties.

This was one of the tactics adopted by the Janata Morcha and Janata Party, you may retort. In this context, in view of the ethical practice in public life, I want to make a small point: what is the credibility of the NDA in the context of people’s resistance to authoritarianism and the movements for social change? You have placed in the cold storage what you considered your most important agenda. As a ruling party, you find safety as a member of NDA partners. Advaniji, your main ideologue, says "these tactics are nothing new for us. Earlier during the time of JP’s movement and later during the movement of VP Singh, we have kept aside our main ideological points".

Yes, exactly here, as a humble volunteer of 1974–77, my disagreement with you is that the joining of Jana Sangh in JP’s movement was only a tactics for you? In fact, all the various forces that joined this movement were subjected to the trial by fire, as part of the process of revival of values. I remember in March 1979, JP addressed the open session of the Jana Sangh. At that time, while giving the vote of thanks, Vajpayeejee had expressed such sentiments. He had said that the party men are normally of middle–class mentality, but now that they have joined the movement led by JP, their thoughts and mentality are undergoing change. He summarised his conclusion in the following words: "Our character is getting transformed".

As I listened to Vajpayeejee, I remembered the popular novelist Rajendra Yadav, who in his famous novel, Sara Akash, effectively portrayed the middle class mentality of the average member of the Sangh. I thought Vajpayeejee might be remembering this episode and his own formative years (in the RSS), the mould he might have passed through. Re-examining and having a fresh look at this past, he may understand the formative nature of the JP movement. I had preferred to think that his confession that "our character is getting transformed", contained the expression of gratitude to JP and also the expression of the inner feelings of acceptance of the movement. Is there any comparison, Rajendrasinghji, with your present cold storage strategy and the 1975 expression of Vajpayeejee?

In recent years I have been critical of the communal politics of our party. While doing this fearlessly and unrelentingly, the speech of JP in 1975 and Vajpayeejee’s vote of thanks are at the back of my mind. I have noticed that the sangh parivar, including the BJP, has no intention of introspecting. You have regressed to the same past mentality, narrow nationalistic attitude and fanatic mindset of pre–JP movement era.

As I see it, you are bent upon taking authoritarian steps such as the proposed new TADA, which can potentially even out–MISA the earlier MISA. It is an indication of the sort of undeclared Emergency under constitutional garb. This approach certainly disqualifies you to speak in the name of popular resistance to Mrs. Gandhi’s authoritarian rule?

I would be failing in my duty as a fellow–fighter of earlier days if I don’t convey my assessment and apprehension to you. And hence this letter to you following the dictates of my conscience.

Hopefully, you will appreciate my decision of not accepting your invitation to participate in your programme.

With ward regards,

Yours sincerely

Prakash N. Shah


 

MEMORANDUM

To,

Shree Sundarsingh Bhandari, Governor of Gujarat,

Raj Bhavan,Gandhinagar

26th June, 2000

Respected Sir,

Your excellency would recall that June 25, 2000 marks the 25th anniversary of the proclamation of emergency. For the first time after the ushering in of the new democratic constitution, Indian democracy suffered an eclipse for 600 and more days. All the valued institutions of our democracy were suppressed. Our freedom of speech was curtailed, the press was muzzled and our human rights infringed.

You would also recall how several freedom–loving citizens of India including quite a few members of the Jana Sangh were imprisoned during the days of emergency. All these people resolved to resurrect democracy at any cost and the elections of 1977 marked a new dawn of democracy and the Jana Sangh joined the new government.

Today, most of those members and the BJP are in power but they seem to have forgotten the days of emergency. Their policies and programmes, the laws that are proposed to be enacted, such as new TADA, and the way the human rights, especially of the minorities, are being trampled down serve as a grim reminder of the days of emergency.

Burning of the Bible, communalising inter–religious marriages, attacks on churches, violation of basic tenets of democracy through willful interventions against public celebrations including the showing of films — all these are an affront to the basic principles of a secular democratic set up that we have established with such care and devotion. The state police has often indulged in terrorising the minority communities not allowing them to lead a peaceful, secure life.

We pray for your intervention and support so that democracy and democratic institutions are respected, protected and properly defended. There is a widespread atmosphere of fear and insecurity that are not at all conducive to democracy.

Let us remember the past and not allow any attempt to violate the basic principles, tenets and institutions of democracy on the 25th anniversary of the emergency.

The policy of "one leader, one culture" is basically against the pluralistic culture and ethos of democracy. It smacks of a totalitarian approach and we must resolve to drive it away. Fundamentalism of any kind particularly of the majoritarian type should be discouraged in the best interest of democracy.

Looking forward to your support.

Assuring you of our high esteem,

Yours Sincerely,

Devavrat Pathak,People’s Union For Civil Liberty (PUCL)

Dinesh Shukla, Suketu K. D. Study Circle

Gautam Thaker, People’s Union For Human Rights (PUHR)

Dr. Hanif Lakdawala, Institute for Initiatives in Education

Father Cedric Prakash, St. Xavier’s Social Service Society

 

 


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