The Punjab government is functioning as if Sikhism were the official religion of the state, with no opposition from the complicit BJP or the electorally opportunistic Congress

The leadership of the Congress in Punjab has appointed a dis  ciplinary   committee to recom  mend action against Brahm  Mohindra, a senior leader of the party — a former Punjab minister and a member of the AICC. Mohindra had publicly opposed the decision that the Congress would celebrate the tercentenary of the birth of Khalsa (and take out a deg, teg, fateh procession). His allegation that this important decision was not taken by the executive of the party but by the president himself has been refuted.

By and large, the matter is an internal affair of the Congress. That, however, is no reason why those outside the Congress should not express their opinion about the merit or otherwise of the decision, because it concerns public and political life as a whole.

In our opinion, the decision is clearly wrong and harmful. In the words of the Supreme Court, a party should either be a political party or a religious one. The Akali party has been functioning as a political as well as a religious party. The Congress has been generally criticising the Akalis for that. It has strongly been opposing the Akali thesis that as far as the Sikhs are concerned, religion and politics cannot be separated. However, for opportunist electoral considerations it has been compromising its principles, including secularism and anti–communalism. The late Rajiv Gandhi did so in relation to the Babri Masjid–Ram Mandir issue. His calculation that it would help the Congress proved utterly wrong. It helped the BJP. In Punjab, the late Giani Zail Singh as the chief minister did the same. He hoped to weaken the Akalis by fighting against them on their own turf. Laying of the Guru Gobind Singh Marg was a part of this strategy. Speaking on this issue, this writer (then a MLA) had publicly warned that the attempt would prove counter–productive and strengthen not the Congress but the Akalis. Subsequent developments proved this assessment to be correct.

The government headed by Sardar Prakash Singh Badal took the initiative and decided to observe the tercentenary of the birthday of the Khalsa officially. A top Congress leader, who is now demanding action against Mohindra, was the first to criticise the government’s decision. His argument was that to observe such religious landmarks was not the job of a secular government. This could be done by some religious organisation. Congress president Amrinder Singh and other leaders sharing his views, however, thought otherwise. The decision referred to above was thus taken. No convincing argument in support of it has been forthcoming. The mere fact that Sonia Gandhi has approved this decision does not prove it to be correct.

Punjab is inhabited not only by Sikhs, though the Sikhs are in a majority. Hindus are a big minority, Buddhists and Jains too inhabit Punjab. Will the Punjab government and Congress observe the major occassions of these religions too? No clear answer has been given to this very valid question. Some have argued that Sikhism stands on a different footing: In what way? True, unlike Islam and Christianity, it was born on Indian soil — but so were Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. In any case, to make any distinction on this ground goes against the Indian tradition and can only lead to the disintegration of the country.

The fact is that the Congress calculated that chief minister Badal’s decision was motivated by a hope of political gain and the Congress decided to do the same. Once again, this will prove counter–productive. It will strengthen not the Congress but the Akalis.

Besides, there is also the fact that Congress leaders did not realise the Akali game. The decision taken by Badal was not merely on account of electoral considerations. His not–so–hidden second motive was to beat down Gurcharan Singh Tohra in the factional fight between the two. Undoubtedly, there is even more to the Punjab government’s decision. This government, in which Akalis are the senior partners (having gained a large majority on their own in the Assembly), has been functioning as if Sikhism was the official religion of the state. Here are a few examples:

In government offices, in hospitals, etc. you will find photos of only Sikh Gurus and none of even the national leaders.In government schools, besides the National Anthem (Jana Gana Mana), Deh Shiv Var Mohe ihe, Shubh Karman se Kabhoon na Daron, is increasingly becoming compulsory. These shabads of the tenth Guru are indeed very inspiring and excellent. But the Saraswati Vandana, too, is said to be excellent. Incidentally, these shabads were sung on government functions too — on the occasion of August 15, 1997 as well as on Independence Day last year (at least in functions held at Amritsar). Will the Punjab government introduce such songs from every religion in government schools in Punjab and in other government organisations? In Amritsar at least, on more than one occasion, this writer saw on working days practically none on duty in almost all the district level government offices and district courts even on working days. The reason? There was an Akhand Path going on on the premises of the district courts. What will happen if Hindu employees start Akhand Paths of Ramayana, Gita  etc., on working days? Incidentally, in the district courts at Amritsar, I found very few employees at the Akhand Path, most were just enjoying themselves in one manner or another.

There have been Akhand Paths and Gurmat Chetna camps on the premises of the municipal corporation of Amritsar too. At least once some Hindu employees wanted to start a parallel Akhand Path of Ramayana. They were wisely persuaded by some BJP leaders not to do so. Some government schools have started holding Akhand Paths on the eve of examinations. (It is believed that this would help students to pass/do well in the examinations.) More examples can be given, but that is not necessary. It is sufficient to recall one fact. Simranjit Singh Mann’s criticism that the Akali Dal (Badal) after coming to power, had given up its goal of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. The reply given by one top leader of the Akali Dal (Badal) was that the Resolution was being implemented (slowly but steadily). The Resolution stands for a Sikh theocratic state though within India. The decision of chief minister Badal that the Punjab government officially celebrate the 300th birthday of Khalsa is also a part of the ongoing effort to have a Sikh theocratic state in Punjab. Many out of sheer opportunism may not like or may fear to say so, but the fact is not difficult to see. It cannot but have very negative effects for the country in the long run.

A relevant question is: Why does the BJP not object? In fact, the BJP welcomes this because it will help it to realise the objective of a Hindu Rashtra which the RSS has openly declared and refused to give up more than once. There seems to be an unwritten agreement between the BJP and the Akalis that the latter would not object to the Hindu Raj at Delhi and the BJP will not object to Sikh Raj in Punjab, that is, Khalistan within India. After all, the BJP, which strongly opposed the “religion and politics cannot be separated” thesis of the Akalis when Khalistani terrorists had their headquarters in the Golden Temple, are now ardent champions of the same thesis.
The Left must oppose this dangerous game as well as the Congress’ opportunism. At least the Left must not allow the long–term interests of the country to be sacrificed for some narrow electoral gains. In India everyone must have the right to profess the religion of his/her choice and also to worship according to it. However, neither the government of India nor the government of any state should have any religion. State and religion as well as politics and religion must be kept apart.

It is time to have a national debate as to whether religion–based parties should be allowed to take part in elections. Also, whether candidates for elections should also be required to sign a declaration that they don’t believe in theocracy. Coming back to Punjab, Amrinder Singh and others would have been perfectly correct had they set up a non–party committee to celebrate the tercentenary in suitable ways, for example, by running a mass campaign and taking out massive demonstrations against the caste system and in support of such other teachings of the Sikh Gurus which are relevant even today.